http://ve-gestioncultural.net/?p=213
jueves, 6 de junio de 2013
viernes, 3 de mayo de 2013
Evaluación y rendición de cuentas en las Políticas Culturales en Chile
Evaluación y rendición de cuentas en las Políticas Culturales en Chile.
Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política. Universidad Católica del Maule, 3(2), 2012; 143 - 156.
Pese a que el Estado chileno viene desarrollando una nutrida actividad en el campo cultural desde los orígenes de la República, la creación en 2003 del Consejo Nacional de la Cultura y las Artes no ha supuesto necesariamente un desarrollo formal de políticas públicas en cultura (public policies in culture), especialmente porque estas decisiones legislativas, financieras y administrativas que el Estado realiza en el campo cultural no son sujetas a mecanismos conocidos de evaluación ni accountability.
Descarga el artículo completo en en
http://portalrevistas.uct.cl/index.php/RDCP/article/view/424/pdf
jueves, 14 de febrero de 2013
Tensiones y desafíos no resueltos en la GC en Chile: Participación e ideología
Participation and ideology. Unresolved tensions and
challenges in the public management of culture in Chile.
Dr.
Cristian Antoine
I.
Introduction
The
address presents a contextualized vision of the idea of participation in the
genesis and implementation of the public policies in culture in Chile. This in
favor of the current controversy over the possibility of creating a Ministry of
Culture and Patrimony (MinCultP). The
new organism will have to subsume in a single portfolio the Division of
Libraries, Archives and Museum (from now on, DIBAM in
Spanish), an institution created in 1929 who has under its
tuition the “patrimonial matters”, and the National Council of Culture and the
Arts (from now on CNCA in Spanish), the
public organism that was created in 2003 in order to attend to “cultural and
artistic” matters.
Although
both institutions were called to “coordinate themselves” in virtue of the Law,
in practice this has not occurred, provoking a permanent duplicity of
functions, atomization of the resources of the State and an absence in the
leadership of the sector, aspects that were left in evidence after the
earthquake that occurred on February of 2010.
The idea
of creating a Ministry has awakened a certain resistance in the artistic and
cultural Chilean circles. Those opposing the initiative sustain their refusal
affirmed in the principal that the current state or things guarantees the
“participation” of the citizens in the determination of cultural matters and,
that a Ministry, centralized, bureaucratic, and regulating, would put it in
discussion.
The
argument of the government points to the underlining of criteria such as the
efficiency in the action of the state and the better taking advantage of the
resources.
The
address identifies and discusses the relevance of the variable “participation”
as one of the jointed axes of the speech in favor of a Ministry of Culture.
Starting from a recompilation of primary and secondary sources, also identifies
some of the dominant criteria by part of the concerned actors and analyses the
new scenario that for the variable of “participation” entails the recent
approbation in Chile
of a new legislative framework for the sector.
In an
effort to testimony for the permanent presence of the Chilean State
in the determination of the cultural matters of the nation, the central
milestones of the actions of the state in cultural matters are briefly
compiled, although the analysis centers itself from 2003 a date that culminated in
the process of installation of the CNCA.
This
historic perspective allows the revelation of the hesitations of the first
democratic governments to define which would be, as it turns out, the specific
modality that would assume the state institutionalization of culture in Chile,
as well as laying in evidence the lack of existing consensus over the same,
aspect that we believe has prolonged itself to this day.
II.- The intervention of the State in cultural matters
in Chile.
Sketching of a historic development.
It must
first be clarified that historiographic perspective is not the most popular of
approaches among the specialists in Cultural
Policies. For the Chilean case, the systematic approaches are even scarcer.
Among the
possible points of view for the analysis of cultural policies, one of the
variables that nonetheless produces more consensus among the experts, is the
search through them of the mechanisms that stimulate the “participation” of the
citizens in the becoming of the cultural and artistic matter of the Nation.
Nevertheless,
while some authors have held that the cultural policies have stimulated the
political participation and the empowerment of the public Latin-American public
(Molina, 2008; Rojas Alcayaga, 2008),
other specialists, observing the Chilean case (Garrido
Ferrari & Avalos Valdebenito, 2011), allude to the
existence of a distance between the discursive level of the citizenry and the
concrete reality of the citizen’s participation in the public management of
culture.
What
stands true is that we lack the visions of a group over the evolution of the
idea of participation in the Chilean cultural policies. We also do not have at
our disposal the views that allow comparison, with greater perspective, of the
central aspects of that process in the context of the disciplinary development
of the topic, in the Latin-American plane as well as its projection to the
societies of western democratic cut.
The Chilean State has been a permanent decisive
actor in the formulation of cultural policies throughout the last quarter of a
century. With some joint inflections, it has also been a factor of powerful
influx, especially in the financing of the activities and the promotion of
these through a series of institutions of its dependence with incidence in the
development of the sector. To that space of organic (structures
and apparatus) and judicial (laws and
regulations) presence of the State in culture the term
“cultural institutionality” (Agustin Squella, 2006)
was defined halfway through the 90’s.
III. The
current cultural institutionalism of Chile.
The State
of Chile has historically manifested an active attitude in matters of cultural
policies, assuming in the course of history a protagonist role in the cultural
development.
Bar (2006) has held that the new cultural institutionalism
was created in a particular moment in the history of Chile, coinciding with the
recuperation of democracy and, because of it, in the midst of a series of
judicial, historic, economic, social and political conditions that are necessary
in order to understand its genesis (Bar, 2006).
Among the
highlights are the recognition of culture as an obligation of the State, an
aspect that had been established in the Constitutional Policy of 1980 and the
strong impulse given to culture on behalf of the first governments of the Concertación governing coalition, the
political alliance of the liberal socialism that defeated Pinochet in the
ballot boxes in 1989 and governed the country until March of 2010.
The left
wing party in general and the Chilean socialism in particular, have also
manifested a preferential attention for the cultural matters of the nation (Arriagada, 2007; Bowen Silva 2008; Lihn, 1971). For
some observers (Astaburuga Ossa, 2009; Gamelin &
Vasquez, 2010; Priestland, 2010), it derives essentially from
its doctrinal adscription to Gramscism as a form of interlocution between
politics and culture.
“This
relationship (bases its origins in) the
political history prior to 1990: on one side, the narrow bonds of socialist
president Salvador Allende with the world of culture as a leader of the utopias
in the 60’s and the early 70’s and as a counterpoint, the cultural monotony of
the military government of Augusto Pinochet” (Bar,
2006).
A new
condition is the due consideration of the economic development of the country.
Javier Stanziola (2002) has demonstrated
how at the start of the decade of the 90’s the incidence of the Chilean
economic policies incurred in its cultural development. In effect, “the efforts
of privatization [in the two rounds of privatization at the start of the 70’s
and halfway through the 80’s]…have had a significant effect in the manner in
which the cultural goods and services are produced and provisioned in Chile” (Stanziola 2002).
The
fourth condition announced by Bar points to also recognize a role to the
changes produced by the technological development of the last two decades and
the phenomenon of globalization. This has generated an explosive acceleration
in communications and a growing interchange between cultures, bringing
important challenges along with it.
In
effect, close to assuming, in March of 1990, the government of President
Patricio Aylwin (1990-1994), the first
head of state convoked a Presidential Commission in order to attend the
confection of a diagnostic of the Chilean cultural reality. The commission was presided
by sociologist Manuel Antonio Garretón, and had as a fundamental mission the
elaboration of a proposal for the creation of a new cultural institutionalism
in the country.
The labor
concluded with the proposal of the creation of a Council of the Culture,
conceived as an autonomous public service and decentralized, directly dependant
of the President of the Republic and whose maximum authority would have the
rank of minister.
The
Commission identified five central problems of the organic Chilean culture: the
administrative dispersion, the shortage of resources, the lack of policies and
an adequate judicial framework, the deficient formation of the human resources
involved and the in-coordination with other relevant agents. It was then
considered that a new institutionalism had to concentrate the functions that in
cultural matters carried out diverse repartitions of the State, strengthen the
cultural development linking the patrimony with the promotion to the arts,
offer channels of communication with the State and count with the resources and
the capacity of decision necessary to contribute to the development of this
matter.
Although
the figure of a Minister is considered as the most adequate structure, it was
strategically opted for that of a Council, since the creation of the first
implied procedures that could be very long and tiring (ARSChile,
2011). The concretion of this new state organism would see
itself delayed in more than a decade.
The
Garretón Commission equally considered the necessity of increasing the national
budget for culture, an aspect that was concreted a little while after with the
creation of the National Fund for the Development of the Arts (FONDART in Spanish) (Antoine
Faúndez, 2012).
Subsequently,
a gathering about public policies, legislation and cultural proposals, carried
out in 1996, reiterated the necessity to advance towards the creation of a
cultural institutionalism (National, 1996).
Despite the existing consensus in the majority of the actors involved, almost a
decade passed without achieving a single concrete initiative in that sense.
The most
significant changes at the start of the 90’s were given by the approval of some
unique laws for the sector (Antoine & Brablec,
2011): Law of National Prizes [Ley de Premios Nacionales]; Law
of the Promotion of the Book and Reading [Ley de Fomento del Libro y la Lectura]
(N 19.227 of 1993); Law of the Promotion
of Chilean Music [Ley de Fomento de la Música Chilena] (N
19.928 of 2004); Law of the Promotion of Audiovisual [Ley de
Fomento Audiovisual] (N 19.981 of 2004),
and the so called Valdés Law [Ley Valdés] (1992),
a norm that anticipates in Chile a system of private sponsorship to the culture
and the arts (Antoine, 2008).
With this
legislative framework as background its possible to make out that the
conditions for a more active participation of the State in the promotion of
cultural policies was given since the start of the first decade of the century.
Not only was the State legislating for the sector, but also the public expense
was increasing year by year. As a matter of fact, the public investment in
culture had increased from approximately 13 million dollars in 1991, to 40
million in 1999.
The
government of President Eduardo Frei Ruiz Tagle (1994-2000),
created a new Presidential Advising Commission in artistic and cultural
matters. Under the coordination of Milán Ivelic, critic of the arts and an
academic, the instance was constituted in 1997 and culminated his work with the
redaction of a report where he sentenced that Chile was “in debt with the
culture”.
It was of
special consideration for the Ivelic Commission, to recommend once again the
creation of a National Council of Culture and the Arts.
Nonetheless
the idea of a Council was not only postponed but also substantially modified by
the Government of Frei, who preferred in 1998 to patronize a project of Law that
left out the figure of Council for the creation of a new National Directorate
of Culture (Guerra Asenjo, 2003).
Once
again it had to be waited until the next change in Government for the
installation of the idea of a Council of the Culture to return. In effect, only
with the arrival of power of socialist Ricardo Lagos (2000-2006)
was an advancement in the opportunity to recast into a single organism (the current National Council of Culture) reached,
those that in that time period were competitors of the Ministry of Education (Culture Division) and General Secretariat of the Government
(Secretariat of Communications and Culture)
and Foreign Relations (Directorate of Cultural Affairs), National Council
of Television, Council of the Book and Qualifying Committee of Cultural Donations, only to mention the most
relevant institutions.
In July
of 2003, Law 19.891 created the National Council of Culture and the Arts (CNCA), and the National Fund of Cultural Development and the Arts, closing the established
cycle of the cultural policies in Chile (National
Council, 2003).
The idea
of an entity of coordination of the cultural organizations of the State was not
original, however, of the third of the governments of the Concertación Governing Coalition for Democracy. As we have had the
occasion to review, placed in operations of a public organism that coordinates
the cultural activity of the State to the highest level, was the old aspiration
for the political coalition that governed our country till March of 2010. In fact, an organism
of similar characteristics already appeared in the program of the government of
Patricio Aylwin (1990-1994), at the
start of the 90’s, when the necessity of shaping a coordinated instance that
allowed conduction with better coherence and effectiveness of policies and
actions of the public sector in the cultural field was a highlight.
Coincidentally,
the so called Cultural Councils, an
instance of socio-political animation that was structurally impulse from the
Division of Culture of the Ministry of Education in the first years of
democracy (with Ricardo Lagos as minister),
inevitably started the conclusions of the debates pointing towards the
necessity that the Chilean state created a Ministry of Culture in order to make
front to the necessities of the sector (Antoine, 2002).
Once
installed the CNCA was defined as an autonomous public service, decentralized
and territorially in-concentrated, passing to represent a peculiar model in the
institutionalism of the State, because in its constitution it integrated the
participation of some organizations of the civil society in the designation of
its authorities, giving origin to a directive that designs, implements and
evaluates public policies in the area of Culture, presided by a Minister that
executes them.
The
administration of the socialist president Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010), was determined in an institutionalizing
eagerness, in the sense of continuing the creation of organisms and laws that
would give institutional and judicial support to the cultural tasks of the Chilean State, but the problem of
in-coordination existent between the recently created CNCA and the DIBAM was
not taken care of.
The
figures also give account of the attention put by the authorities to the
artistic and cultural development. Between 2006 and 2010 the budget was
tripled, passing from 22 million Chilean pesos to 63 million Chilean pesos.
The
investment allowed the financing of six thousand projects, thanks to the
policies generated by the National Council of Culture and the Arts (CNCA). The administration of the institution managed
the perfecting and betterment of the processes of marshaling assets and the
assignment of the resources.
In the
plane of the Cultural Policies, the
document “Chile Wants more Culture[Chile
Quiere mas Cultura]” that summarized the expectations of the country for
that period, proposed the definitions of cultural policy between 2005 and 2010
and was a result of a collective effort headed by the national directive of the
National Council of Culture and the Arts (CNCA)
and its collegiate members, that compromised the participation of the thirteen
Regional Councils and the Consultative Committees. As a result the document
consecrated as “cultural policy” of the Chilean State,
nine ordinate principals, four strategic lines, ten central objectives and 52
specific measures.
Although
the evaluation of cultural policies is not a recurrent activity in Chile (Antoine, 2011b), an external study solicited by the
CNCA demonstrated that till March of 2010, of all the determined measures in
the document, only 23% presented a level of total compliance and another 23%
reached a level of high compliance. Spoken in a more direct manner, only 24
measures reached, after five years of implementation, an observable level of
compliance. Of the recommendations made to the CNCA by the Directorate of
Budget in 2008, only 18% had been complied with to the indicated date.
When
assuming government in March of 2010, the administration of Sebastián Piñera
had to define the guidelines of the Cultural
Policy for the period of 2011-2016. After a rather sui generis process for the definition of public sectorial policies
(Andueza & Maldonado, 2011), the
CNCA presented at their opportunity the actual compendium that rules the
cultural policies of the country organized around three axes, 14 objectives and
120 specific measures, strategies or purposes (of the
Culture and he Arts, 2011).
In May of
2011, and at the front of the traditional account that the President of the
Republic pays before the country about the state and the general march of the
nation, Sebastián Piñera announced the creation of a single Ministry of Culture
and Patrimony, seeking with it to end with the current dispersion and uniting
in a single organism of the Council of Culture and the Arts, the Directorate of
Libraries, Archives and Museums, and the Council of National Monuments. Also in
May of 2011 and a couple of months later from the occurrence of an earthquake
of great magnitude that shook the south-central region of the country and that
caused huge damages to the cultural patrimony of various regions, a
Parliamentary Commission created to verify the level of the damages and propose
legal modifications that would assure its reconstruction, concluded in the
necessity of the creation of a Ministry of Culture with a Sub-secretariat of
Patrimonial Protection endowed with the exclusive competences to coordinate the
implementation of a national policy for the sector.
The
parliamentary commission pointed out that the current legislation is
anachronistic and does not respond to the current notion of the patrimonial
culture. Additionally, they warn about the presence of a process of
deterioration and destruction of the historic patrimonial culture due to the
absence of a policy of State that favors its conservation. Among the presented
proposals the idea of creating a new patrimonial institutionalism in charge of
implementing a national policy in this matter with a rank of secretary of State
is highlighted.(...)
Versión completa disponible en
Antoine, Cristian. "Participação E Ideologia.
Tensões E Desafios Não Resolvidos Na Gestão Da Cultura No Chile." Politicas Culturais en Revista 5, no. 2 (2012): 83 -96.
Foto. Teatro Municipal de Las Condes, Santiago de Chile, foto del autor
domingo, 20 de enero de 2013
¿Qué sabemos sobre la creación de público para la cultura y las artes? La generación de audiencias (audience development) como disciplina.
Por “desarrollo
de audiencias”, comprendemos aquí todo
aquel complejo conjunto de decisiones asumidas formalmente por los agentes
culturales, para incrementar el número de receptores activos de los mensajes
artísticos y la participación en actividades culturales. En este esfuerzo
pueden confluir las acciones provenientes tanto del sector público como de
otros actores sociales interesados en la promoción de las actividades
culturales, con y sin fines de lucro, configurando un objetivo concreto de la
expresión de las políticas culturales, independiente de su ámbito de generación,
que no es otro que lograr un incremento en la participación cultural.
Dorothy
Chansky define la 'construcción de públicos' como la 'creación de actitudes,
creencias y conductas relativas a la asistencia al teatro en las mentes y los
cuerpos de los espectadores actuales y de los potenciales" (Chansky, 1998). Esta
construcción del público, tanto para el teatro como para las demás actividades
culturales, se ubica de lleno en la arena de las políticas culturales.
Mientras Connolly y Hinand Cady (2001)
postulan que “desarrollo de públicos” significa tocar y comprometer a la gente
de las comunidades locales, aumentando la cantidad o tipo de personas que
participan en actividades artísticas o incrementando el nivel de participación
de un público ya existente.
“Esto significa servir con mayor profundidad, tanto a
nuevos públicos, como a los ya existentes. Mediante el proceso de desarrollo de
públicos, las organizaciones artísticas forjan vínculos entre los individuos y
las instituciones para ayudar a crear comunidades comprometidas con las artes.
Para estar seguros de que estas comunidades crecerán y permanecerán dinámicas,
las organizaciones en estas comunidades deben deliberadamente tratar de atender
a las necesidades, problemas e inquietudes de importancia para los miembros de
la comunidad” (Connolly & Hinand Cady, 2001).
La
importancia de aumentar el número de personas que participan en actividades
artísticas y culturales se ha asumido como un imperativo político y profesional
en numerosas naciones (Johnson, 2004c; Kawashima, 2006; Kirchberg, 1999;
Sanna, 2007), corriendo
casi en paralelo a lo que nosotros hemos intentado caracterizar –en el plano
local- como el proceso de conformación profesional de las políticas y la
gestión cultural.
Las
investigaciones que se han estado realizando al menos desde los años ochenta en
adelante, han intentado cuantificar el desarrollo de las audiencias, evaluando
de paso la calidad de las políticas públicas y/o las estrategias de marketing
cultural. Muchos de estos trabajos se hacen desde una perspectiva local. Así
por ejemplo, Jacques Baillargeon (1996) ha estudiado el desarrollo de
audiencias para la experiencia canadiense, mientras Dominique Pasquier (2003), ha hecho lo propio para la realidad francesa y
Barbara Slavich junto a Fabrizio Montanari
(2009) para el caso italiano,
evidenciando una tendencia creciente de los especialistas por el desarrollo
disciplinar. ¿Entre qué coordenadas se ha dado lo que hemos venido
caracterizando como “modelos para el desarrollo de audiencia”?
En
países como Francia, Estados Unidos, Canadá, España, Finlandia, Holanda,
Argentina, Brasil, Colombia y México, además de Chile, se han estado realizado
estudios sobre el comportamiento de los públicos de disciplinas artísticas o de
cierto tipo de espacios culturales, a partir de diferentes enfoques,
metodologías y propósitos. Algunos de estos estudios- apuntan Jiménez y
Arbaláez, se iniciaron hace varias
décadas, de tal suerte que hoy se cuenta con análisis comparativos sobre las
tendencias de los comportamientos de los públicos ante disciplinas como el
teatro, la danza, la ópera o el ballet. Igualmente se han analizado los
públicos de las artes visuales, de los museos o del cine...
Selección de La Hora de las Audiencias,Cristian Antoine.
Foto. Galeria Palacio Versalles, Francia, 2009. Mónica Ortiz Otárola
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